Colectivos (, ) are Venezuelan armed paramilitary groups that support the Bolivarian government, the Great Patriotic Pole (GPP) political alliance and Venezuela's ruling party, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). Colectivo has become an umbrella term for irregular armed groups that operate in poverty-stricken areas. The term may also refer to a community organization with any shared purpose, such as a neighborhood group that organizes social events. Some colectivos began by doing community work or helping with social programs in barrios, and their members said they promoted democracy, political activism and culture.
As of 2019, there are dozens of colectivos in Venezuela. In 2018, InSight Crime wrote that there were 46 groups in the 23 de Enero neighbourhood. By 2017, they operate in 16 Venezuelan states, controlling about 10% of Venezuelan cities. Some personnel of Venezuela's intelligence agencies, including the Directorate General of Military Counterintelligence and the Bolivarian Intelligence Service, are also members of colectivos. Colectivos have both legal and illegal funding sources. They were initially funded by the Bolivarian government; some receive funds to distribute government food packages, and have access to government "slush funds". Others have been funded by extortion, black-market food and the drug trade.
Human Rights Watch described colectivos as "armed gangs who use violence with impunity" to harass political opponents of the Venezuelan government. Amnesty International calls them "armed pro-government supporters who are tolerated or supported by the authorities". Colectivos have attacked anti-government protesters and Venezuelan opposition television staff, sent death threats to journalists, and once tear-gassed the Vatican envoy. Through violence and intimidation, by 2019 colectivos increasingly became a means of quashing the opposition and maintaining political power; Maduro called on them during the 2019 Venezuelan blackouts.
An Organization of American States report on human rights violations in Venezuela stated that colectivos murdered at least 131 individuals between 2014 and 2017 during anti-government protests. The opposition-led National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups due to their "violence, paramilitary actions, intimidation, murders and other crimes", declaring their acts as state-sponsored terrorism. On 16 September 2020, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela concluded in its first report that Venezuelan authorities and colectivos committed "violations amounting to crimes against humanity". The same year, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court stated that it believed there was a "reasonable basis" to believe that "since at least April 2017, civilian authorities, members of the armed forces and pro-government individuals have committed the crimes against humanity".
Description The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has described colectivos as "pro-Government armed groups" that "decide who receives government assistance and perform surveillance and intelligence activities for the authorities [and have] intimidated, threatened and attacked people perceived as opposed to the Government". In 2019, the opposition-led National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups, declaring their acts as state-sponsored terrorism.
On 16 September 2020, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela presented its first report to the United Nations Human Rights Council, concluding that Venezuelan authorities and colectivos committed "violations amounting to crimes against humanity". Its members stated that they had reasonable grounds to state: "Most of the violations and crimes ... were part of a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population ... in furtherance of a state policy.” On 14 December 2020, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court stated that it believed there was a "reasonable basis" to believe that "since at least April 2017, civilian authorities, members of the armed forces and pro-government individuals have committed the crimes against humanity".
New York University Latin American Studies professor Alejandro Velasco said in 2019, "They have all the trappings of a paramilitary repressive force." Velasco, who studies colectivos, describes a change in the allegiance of colectivos, saying it has become more about power than supporting chavismo or a leftist ideology.
History
The history of colectivos predates the presidency of Hugo Chávez. Colectivos emerged during the 1960s from urban guerrilla warfare in metropolitan Venezuela, and made a return during Chávez's tenure, when he created their parent organizations, known as Bolivarian Circles. Bolivarian Circles also took part in demonstrations that became violent against the 2002 coup attempt against Chávez. InSight Crime says their power began to increase after the attempted coup, when Chávez decided he needed a security force independent of the military to counteract opposition demonstrators. A 2005 report by the newspaper El Nacional stated that paramilitary and motorcycle groups, described as "colectivos", were present in 36 cities around the country. In 2006, they received arms and funding from the state when they were brought under the government's community councils. In 2007, masked gunmen riding motorcycles opened fire on students returning from a march in Caracas. At the Central University of Venezuela, eight people were injured, including one by gunfire. Chávez eliminated the Metropolitan Police in 2011, turning security over to the colectivos in some Caracas barrios.
Bloomberg says that when he created the Bolivarian Circles, Chávez "brought the former outlaws into the socialist fold", where some also gained access to weapons through government jobs. Stratfor says that Diosdado Cabello, then serving as chief of staff for Chávez, was instrumental in the founding of the Bolivarian Circles, and maintains close ties to the colectivos. Chávez assigned colectivos to be "the armed wing of the Bolivarian Revolution" for the Venezuelan government, giving them weapons, communication systems, motorcycles and surveillance equipment to exercise control in the hills of Caracas where police are forbidden entry. Some weapons given to the groups include assault rifles, submachine guns and grenades. Almost all colectivos are community organisations. During Chavez' presidency, they became the main form of democratic community organising in Venezuela. Various colectivos have said that the Venezuelan government has had authorities disguise themselves as colectivo members in attempts to attack the opposition.
Colectivos act as "enforcers for the government", working with the Venezuelan armed forces and the ruling political party, PSUV. The Economist says they bring money into slums, punish criminals and intimidate political opponents. Some colectivos partake in drug trafficking, control access to the supply of food and medicine, and commit acts of extortion.
In 2008, some colectivos helped with after-school programs, child care centers, puppet shows, drug rehabilitation, and sports programs; they also encouraged voting by going door to door and protect communities from criminals. Every member of a colectivo is required to bring ten individuals to vote at polls during elections. Over time, colectivos became more heavily armed and their criminal activity increased. A small number of groups maintain community and cultural functions; most are "criminal gangs with immense social control", who "work alongside the security forces, often doing their dirty work for them", according to InSight Crime. Members can be difficult to identify because they often wear masks and do not have license plates on their motorcycles.
Activity
2002 coup d'état attempt When Chávez was briefly ousted in 2002, colectivos helped lead demonstrations supporting him, and worked with the military to help return him as president.
2009 Globovisión attack In 2009, several dozen La Piedrita motorcyclists with red berets surrounded the entrance of the offices of television station Globovisión and subdued the security guards, entering the facility by force while tossing two tear gas canisters into the building. Chávez condemned the attack and pro-government leader Lina Rón was jailed for three months following the incident.
2009 Vatican envoy attack Colectivos tear-gassed the Vatican envoy in 2009 after Chávez accused the Roman Catholic Church of interfering with his government.
2012 presidential election During the 2012 presidential election, at a visit by opposition candidate Henrique Capriles to the San José de Cotiza neighbourhood in Caracas, a group of armed PSUV members began firing guns "in an apparent effort to break up the rally". Five people were injured, including the son of an opposition member of the National Assembly of Venezuela. Capriles was subsequently taken safely from the scene. Journalists for television channel Globovisión that were covering the rally (reporter Sasha Ackerman, cameraman Frank Fernández and assistant Esteban Navas) were threatened by the armed men, who confiscated their equipment and footage of the shootings. A Globovisión statement the next day identified the armed men as PSUV supporters, saying "These groups wore red shirts identifying them with a political tendency. More importantly, it was an armed and organized group that fired weapons against people".
Immediate Mobilization Networks Immediate Mobilization Networks (in Spanish: Fuerzas Inmediatas de Movilización) were an alleged paramilitary organization formed by Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez to remain in control of the country if he was defeated in the 2012 presidential election. Its objectives were to abort the opposition rallies before they could be prepared, detection of opposition leaders, organizing street protests and resistance and control of territory.Chávez moviliza comandos armados por si pierde las elecciones
Chávez militias have been responsible (along with the Army) from the custody of the electoral process (polling security, custody of the votes and his move to places count). A first contingent would be deployed in 51% of polling stations, the rest at 49%, precisely in many of the places where the opposition is strong.
Of its approximately 3,800 members, not everyone would have military targets. Some of them could be limited to monitoring process, but other functions provided for these groups, composed of small teams of five to seven members, require violence.Chávez moviliza una red de comandos armados para controlar una eventual votación adversa Venezuelan Army sources said that in June they started handing out about 8,000 AK-103 to this group.
They were formed by "social intelligence teams" and "communicators in action" ("street propaganda and guerrilla internet") and of "territorial control equipment," constituted "as Rapid Action Force and Action street, with ability to block or enable critical road corridors, geographic areas or localities" and "defend the spaces adjacent to state institutions."
Their tactics were based on Iranian Basij units whose performance was decisive to abort the 2009 Iranian presidential election protests in 2009, and used a complex system of communication encryption.
2013 presidential election During the 2013 presidential election, Reuters said colectivos were "a key part of the government's electoral machinery" that "help[ed] sway close races and are sometimes tarred by critics as poll station thugs who intimidate opponents". The Carter Center said that during the elections, voting centers had an "intimidating climate" when motorcyclists "associated with the governing party" surrounded them.
2014 protests